When is not-believing believing that not?
| Autoři | |
|---|---|
| Rok publikování | 2018 |
| Druh | Článek ve sborníku |
| Konference | Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung 21 |
| Fakulta / Pracoviště MU | |
| Citace | |
| www | https://semanticsarchive.net/Archive/DRjNjViN/index.html |
| Klíčová slova | formal semantics; Neg-raising; Czech; experimental semantics |
| Popis | We present two experiments that studied the licensing conditions of two Czech expressions in neg-raising and non-neg-raising environments: ani jeden ‘even one’ and az do ‘until’. English counterparts of these expressions are often treated as belonging to the same class, that of strict NPIs. However, our experiments revealed subtle differences between the two expressions, which we argue could be explained if we assume that only ani jeden ‘even one’ is a strict NPI, while a az do ‘until’ is an expression sensitive to durativity of the predicate it modifies. The experiments furthermore showed that mood affects licensing of both ani jeden ‘even one’ and a az do ‘until’ under neg-raising predicates. |
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