Sémantická kompatibilita časových adjunktů typu „až do rána“ a „nejméně hodinu“
| Title in English | Semantic compatibility of temporal adjuncts of type "až do rána" and "nejméně hodinu" |
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| Authors | |
| Year of publication | 2011 |
| Type | Appeared in Conference without Proceedings |
| MU Faculty or unit | |
| Citation | |
| Description | Semantic compatibility of Czech temporal adjunct type "until morning / at least one hour" It was observed an interesting contrast in Czech in the use of temporal adjuncts type "until morning" ("až do rána") and "at least one hour" ("nejméně hodinu") -next as TA. They can be combined with negated perfective predicates, while their use in sentences with perfective predicates lacking negation leads to ungrammaticality. We analyzed circa 1 500 sentences for every TA, which we obtained from the corpus SYN2010. Our claim is that the use of TA is a subject to some semantic requirement. We use the division into 2 types of aspect: the external one (grammatical) expressed in terms of perfectivity and the internal one (lexical) which is defined as difference between telicity and atelicity. The telic action is not homogenous, it consists of two events, hence no subset of the sentential event can be expressed the same way as the whole event. Usually the perfective verbs create telic events and the imperfective verbs create atelic events. We have divided the sentences (found in the copus) containing perfective predicates into 4 groups: sentences with simple atelic pedicates, sentences containing predicates carying superlexical prefixes, sentences with modal verbs located above the perfective verbs in the syntactic structure and sentences containing negated predicates. Superlexical prefixes differ from lexical prefixes by not encoding resultativity. They create perfectivity but the predicate remains atelic. In We conclude our corpus searching by the claim, that the semantic criterion for the use of TA is the homogenity of the sentential event, which is either encoded in the lexical semantic of the predicate or rise as consequence of application of other operator on the syntactic structure. We explain the data contrast as semantic requirement of TA for the homogenity of the sentential event. |